Sunday, May 5, 2024

History: Our living History. Orangeburg Massacre. 1968

Rudy, thank you for this reminder of our history.  Black and Latino\Hispanic history in the U.S. is not taught exactly as these incidents occur, unless the ‘narrative’ is controlled by us.  This is one event that happened in our lifetime that we must share.

History is repeating itself in one form or another with current events in 2024.  Events repeating themselves from the 1960’s to 2024.

We are human, humane, and humanitarians.

Peace be with you. 

Charles D. Sharp
Chair\CEO Black Emergency Managers Association International (BEMA Int)

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Orangeburg_Massacre

 Orangeburg Massacre

The Orangeburg Massacre was a shooting of student protesters that took place on February 8, 1968, on the campus of South Carolina State College in Orangeburg, South Carolina, United States. Nine Highway Patrolmen and one city police officer opened fire on a crowd of African American students, killing three and injuring twenty-eight. The shootings were the culmination of a series of protests against racial segregation at a local bowling alley, marking the first instance of police killing student protestors at an American university.

Two days before the shootings, student activists had been arrested for a sit-in at the segregated All-Star Bowling Lane. When a crowd of several hundred Claflin and South Carolina State College (State College) students gathered outside the bowling alley to protest the arrests, police dispersed the crowd with billy clubs. Students requested permission to hold a march downtown and submitted a list of demands to city officials. The request for a march was denied, but city officials agreed to review the demands. As tensions in Orangeburg mounted over the next few days, Governor Robert McNair ordered hundreds of National Guardsmen and Highway Patrol officers to the city to keep the peace. On the night of February 8, students from both colleges and Wilkinson High School started a bonfire at the front of State College's campus. When police moved to put out the fire, students threw debris at them, including a piece of a wooden banister that injured an officer. Several minutes later, at least nine patrolmen and one city police officer opened fire on the crowd of students. Dozens of fleeing students were wounded; Sam Hammond, Henry Smith, and Delano Middleton were later pronounced dead at the Orangeburg Regional Hospital.

In the aftermath of the killings, the bowling alley and most remaining whites-only establishments in Orangeburg were desegregated. Federal prosecutors charged nine patrolmen with deprivation of rights under color of law by firing on the demonstrators, but they were acquitted in the subsequent trial. The state of South Carolina charged one of the protestors, Cleveland Sellers, with several riot charges. He was convicted on charges relating to events two days before the massacre. Sellers received a full pardon in 1993. In 2001, Jim Hodges became the first governor to make a formal apology for the massacre.

Background

The South Carolina State College (State College) entered the 1968–1969 school year having just undergone a major change in administration. For a decade, students had engaged in sporadic protests against college president Brenner Turner.[1] Turner was a conservative on civil rights and had maintained good relations with the white state government by taking a hard line against student participation in the civil rights movement.[a] But when a prolonged boycott of classes provoked an intervention from the governor, Turner eventually resigned in the spring of 1968.[2] State College was placed under an interim president who had lifted many of the restrictions on student activism, including allowing political clubs to operate on campus. The two most important of these were a chapter of the NAACP and the Black Awareness Coordinating Committee (BACC).[3] The NAACP chapter took a moderate stance and had over 300 members.[b] The BACC was much smaller—its membership hovered around twenty students—and represented students who embraced black pride and were interested in black power.[4][5] To the white community and black middle class, the creation of the BACC was ominous. They associated black power with the radical rhetoric of the new Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) leaders such as Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown. This view was reinforced when a SNCC organizer, Cleveland Sellers, arrived in Orangeburg in October.[5][6] In his autobiography, Sellers wrote that he had returned to his home state because "I believed I could develop a movement by focusing attention on the problems of the poor blacks in South Carolina."[7] The Orangeburg elites viewed Sellers as an outside agitator who was there to stir up trouble.[8]

There were several ongoing sources of racial tension at State College and in the surrounding city. An independent committee had been set up after Turner's resignation to investigate how conditions at the college could be improved, but the board of trustees had still not formally accepted their findings.[9] Despite a wide disparity in funding between State College and white colleges in South Carolina, in January, Governor McNair announced that he was rejecting State College's request for a budget increase.[c][11] Orangeburg had not yet seen the same civil rights reforms as most areas in the south. Many institutions remained segregated, including doctors' offices, entertainment venues, and the Orangeburg Regional Hospital. Political offices remained beyond the reach of black citizens, in part because the city boundaries were gerrymandered to exclude blacks.[3]
…..More

…..To read full WIFIPEDIA article, references, and photos go to…

Rudy Arredondo 
Founder/Director 
Latino Farmers & Ranchers International, Inc. 




Saturday, May 4, 2024

Living History: Heather Gray. 1970's to 2024. Wars? Visiting Vietnam in 1973 during the War

Original writings from:

Justice Initiative International

https://justiceinitiativeinternational.wordpress.com/2017/09/24/visiting-saigon-in-1973-during-the-war/

                           Edited version of the article that first appeared on Counterpunch in 2007 


CounterPunch   https://www.counterpunch.org/2007/01/24/surviving-in-war/



Visiting Vietnam in 1973 during the War

Surviving in War  

 

 

Heather Gray

Justice Initiative

May 3, 2024

hmcgray@earthlink.net 

Please consider donations on PayPal

 

Introduction

 

I want to begin this dialogue with a brief summary of the Vietnam War from the History website:

 

About the Vietnam War: The Vietnam War was a long, costly and divisive conflict that pitted the communist government of North Vietnam against South Vietnam and its principal ally, the United States. The conflict was intensified by the ongoing Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. More than 3 million people (including over 58,000 Americans) were killed in the Vietnam War, and more than half of the dead were Vietnamese civilians. 

 

Opposition to the war in the United States bitterly divided Americans, even after President Richard Nixon signed the Paris Peace Accords and ordered the withdrawal of U.S. forces in 1973. Communist forces ended the war by seizing control of South Vietnam in 1975, and the country was unified as the Socialist Republic of Vietnam the following year. (History)

 

I want tio begin this dialogue with a brief ummary of the Vitema war from the History website:

We now have tragic wars between Israel vs Gaza and Russia vs Ukraine. All of this has made me reflective of the tragic Vienman War  from  1955 to 1975. I ended up visiting Vietnam during the devastating war and I keep reflecting upon it all given the present day tragic wars.

 

In 1968, I left the United States for Australia where I was married to my Australian fiancé and where I began a whole new adventure in life and I admit I was so glad to leave the United States at that time. I thought surely there's got to be something better than the stress and violence we witnessed in the United States in the 1960s decade. But I learned otherwise. What I learned was that wherever you are in the world, one way or the other, some people will be treated unjustly, including oppression of women, I might add, and that there is always a need to work both "against" oppression and "for" justice.  

 

Think for a moment, however, about the violence in the United States in the 1960s and corresponding US interventions in Southeast Asia and other parts of the world during this period. To name but a few incidents: there was the on-going Vietnam War since 1955 leading to violence in Laos and Cambodia as well; the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba in April 1961; the assassination of President John Kennedy in November 22, 1963; the 1964 violence in Panama, when the US insisted on having control of the Panama Canal and 6 miles surrounding it, leading to violence and the death of 22 Panamanians and 4 US soldiers; the US inspired overturning of the Sukarno government in Indonesia in 1967; the riots against the Chinese in Malaysia in 1969 with the US CIA and other secret service entities implicated. Invariably there was huge loss of life and injustice with all of these incidents and US interventions combined.

 

In 1967 there was also the Arab-Israeli War: 

 

"The 1967 Arab-Israeli War marked the failure of the Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations' efforts to prevent renewed Arab-Israeli conflict following the 1956 Suez War. Unwilling to return to what National Security Advisor Walter Rostow called the "tenuous chewing gum and string arrangements" established after Suez, the Johnson administration sought Israel's withdrawal from the territories it had occupied in exchange for peace settlements with its Arab neighbors. This formula has remained the basis of all U.S. Middle East peacemaking efforts into the present...between June 5 and June 10, Israel defeated Egypt, Jordan, and Syria and occupied the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights." (Office of the Historian

 

In 1967, I participated in the "Anti-Vietnam War March Against the Pentagon" in Washington DC. Four of us Atlantans drove up to Washington in my red Volkswagen. Atlanta activist Rick Brown drove the car while I sat in the back playing my guitar along with another Atlanta activist Jim Skillman who was already a Vietnam veteran. I was impressed with the Washington, D.C. organizers of the event who arranged housing for all of us thousands of folks coming in from throughout the country for the event. I must say that marching against the war on the Washington, D.C. streets with thousands of others was exhilarating.

 

I left the United States in August 1968. It was the year that Martin Luther King was assassinated on April 4, and I was involved with the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in helping to organize the funeral that I also attended; Bobby Kennedy was assassinated on June 6, 1968; then there were demonstrations against the Vietnam War at the Democratic Convention on August 28, 1968:

 

(On August 28, 1968) at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, tens of thousands of Vietnam War protesters battle police in the streets, while the Democratic Party falls apart over an internal disagreement concerning its stance on Vietnam. Over the course of 24 hours, the predominant American line of thought on the Cold War with the Soviet Union was shattered. (History.com)

 

The interesting thing is that once in Australia and settled ultimately in Wollongong, Australia (just south of Sydney), I began marching against the Vietnam War with Wollongong activists many of whom were not only Australians, but also other Americans and those from Britain, Mexico, Yugoslavia, Italy and the Netherlands. I also began assisting migrant women in need, as well as being engaged with the Australian National University on research of laborers, who were mostly migrants, at the huge Wollongong steel mill  -  "Australian Iron and Steel".

So it was true that being away from the states I but joined yet another group of impressive activists in Australia. Suffice it to say, as mentioned previously, I learned in my 20s that you could never get away from the impacts of international state violence and the need to take a stand for justice and compassion.

 

Visiting and learning about Saigon in 1973

When I first wrote about my experience in Vietnam, it was in 2007 when George Bush wanted to escalate the war in Iraq. At the time I thought I would share something about my experience in Vietnam to place war somewhat in the context of daily life. With the Ken Burns series about the Vietnam War was being shown on PBS, I thought I would revisit and share my experiences in Saigon.

 

The image of war can be so deceptive. This likely is true whether in Iraq, Palestine, Lebanon, Somalia, Vietnam, Israel, Palestine or wherever the conflict might be. I used to naively think that life would be close to suspended for those living in war torn countries. But even in war, I ultimately learned, people will attempt to take care of their youngest children and other vulnerable members of their family, engage in commerce, and explore every conceivable way to survive. There really is no other choice! That's what I learned in Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City) in 1973, close to end of the Vietnam War travesty.

 

There was probably nothing in the city of Saigon in 1973 comparable to the dreadful violence that plagued Baghdad and now other areas in the Middle East, both in terms of the violence from civil strife or by the invasive U.S military against the people. But even and especially in these war torn countries, people need to figure out a way to feed and take care of their own.

Saigon was somewhat of a safe haven with war raging around it in the rural areas.  The Viet Cong seemingly had no interest, even if they had the weapons to do so, in destroying Saigon in retaliation against the US for the devastating bombing of Hanoi. There could have been the justification, however, for the destruction of Saigon as it was one of the US bases of operations and, with its beautiful French boulevards and other French architecture, in retaliation for the hundreds of years of French interference and colonialism. 

 

It was impossible in 1973 to go into the Vietnamese hinterlands except on planes, as Saigon's "Highway One" was too dangerous and the planes were booked solid. So I stayed in Saigon for a week where there was, of course, a curfew. There's nothing like sitting in a restaurant while listening to bombs dropping from just outside the city. The bombs always seemed to drop at night and seemed close, which I guess they were.

In spite of all this, however, I found much in Saigon I didn't expect. There were parts of the city where there were, thankfully, no apparent signs of war. Yet in most areas of downtown Saigon, sandbags lined the streets and the armed Vietnamese military were at virtually every intersection. Yet, life went on.

The Vietnamese are resilient. They have, after all, been resisting occupation and foreign invaders for centuries, from the Chinese to the French, the Japanese and the Americans. But almost everyone I met in Saigon, whether they were Vietnamese or not, was trying to circumvent the war and the violence surrounding them which is something I think most of us would attempt.

In the early 1970's I lived in Singapore with my husband - an Australian diplomat - and our young son. We were in an apartment building that was rather a mecca for international journalists who were traveling back and forth to Vietnam, Cambodia or elsewhere to report on the war. New York Times reporter Sydney Schanberg and his wife Janice were in that mix, as well as U.S. News and World Report journalist Jim Wallace and his wife 
Haya Wallace who lived two floors above us.

While we were in Singapore, Schanberg was spending most of his time in Cambodia and reporting on the tragedy unfolding in that beleaguered country that, unfortunately, bordered Vietnam. The illegal bombing of Cambodia by the Nixon administration had begun in April of 1970 and the consequences of it all were devastating. It's thought to have been a major catalyst of political instability leading to the downfall of the Prince Norodom Sihanouk government and the rise of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge. For his reporting on Cambodia and his subsequent book, "The Killing Fields," Schanberg won the Pulitzer Prize. In it he depicted the tragic violence of the Khmer Rouge and the estimated killing of 2 million Cambodians. Janice Schanberg was understandably worried about her husband as he ventured back and forth to Cambodia. The Schanberg's were the last couple I dined with before leaving Singapore in December 1973.

Haya Wallace's parties were legendary. She was an antique collector and her apartment was filled to the brim with Southeast Asian collectibles. I recall sitting in her apartment in a small cozy area designated for social gatherings, while all around there were sculptures from Papua New Guinea, lamps from Indonesia, pottery from Malaysia, contemporary Singaporean paintings, and Chinese crafts of every sort, including a huge beautifully crafted Chinese wedding bed in the middle of her living room.

When the opportunity arose to visit Saigon in January 1973, I jumped at the chance. Haya was going with her husband and other journalists to Saigon and she asked me to join her. She was to seek antiques in Saigon. So here we were, in the major city of a war torn country and traipsing around it's remarkable antique stores and there were a lot of them. It was rather surreal experience to say the least. This also included joining journalists for meals in exquisite Vietnamese and French restaurants. It was rather hard to believe that in the middle of war, here I was eating some of the best food on the planet.

The influence of France in Vietnam apparently began with Jesuit priests in the 1600's and ultimately the French occupation of Vietnam under Napoleon III in 1853. It lasted until 1954, in the midst of Vietnamese resistance. (When is there not resistance to occupation? It's time the Americans learned this!) In this exquisite Asian city, the legacy of French occupation was apparent. There were all kinds of French restaurants, and shopkeepers selling loaves of French bread and everything else French. I drank wine on the veranda of one of the hotels  - the Hotel Majestic - frequented earlier in the 1930s by British writer Somerset Maugham. Vietnamese or French were the languages. As I unfortunately do not speak the beautiful song-like Vietnamese language, I spoke with most cab drivers in French. English was virtually a non-entity.

 

My residence in Saigon that week was in an elite area. It was, in fact, across the street from the Presidential Palace of Nguyen Van Thieu who was the provisional president at the time. My hosts were Americans - the head of the New York Bank in Saigon and his wife. From the balcony outside my room I looked across to the palace. Sandbags, along with armed military sentries, surrounded it. My movie camera was shaped somewhat like a gun. On the balcony, I recall crouching down to film the palace, but decided against this. Getting killed for taking a photo of a palace was not the wisest plan. Later in the week, however, a Vietnamese soldier at an intersection did point his rifle at me until I convinced him that what I had was a camera and not a gun.

 

My hostess spent a lot of her time with the wives of Vietnamese political leaders and diplomats. Once during the week she invited me to a luncheon with these women. I declined the offer. This might have been a mistake as it could have been interesting to hear what they had to say. But my time was limited and in the diplomatic corps I knew the last thing the wives can do is discuss anything of substance.  I knew this, as I was essentially associated with the diplomatic corps myself as, being married to an Australian diplomat, I had also gone through diplomatic training in Australia. Further, the wives of political leaders were unlikely to say anything meaningful, as it would be too dangerous for them to do so. So, much to the disdain of my hostess, I ventured instead into the streets of Saigon. She also didn't like my interest in talking with her servants which I did, as well, at every opportunity.

I visited with a Burmese friend who was teaching at the University of Saigon. I knew him from Singapore where he had worked as a scientist for a United Nations agency headed by young Americans who, he told me, had no appreciation for him and his qualifications (two PhD's from US universities). He was anxious to leave and come to Saigon even in the midst of war. He took me to Saigon's flourishing open farmer's markets, and to the university. The markets were huge, bustling and vibrant with food and all kinds of wares and crafts. There is absolutely nothing as exciting as an Asian market and the markets in Saigon were no exception.

 

I spent time with American GI's who showed me their "Shoe Shine Boys Project." It was created in response to the predominance of street children whose families couldn't afford to care for them because of the war. Many of the boys were shining shoes to earn money for the family and most could not return home except to take their hard earned money. The GI's leased homes in back alleys for these youth, where they had a bed, were fed warm meals and offered classroom instruction. The GIs took me to some of those homes. It was rather interesting that while the U.S. military was creating havoc and tragedy in Vietnam, some GI's were attempting to alleviate what they could of this pain. I don't know where the funding came from for this project or whether the US army was also involved to better control the shoe shine boys who were sometimes implicated in spying and/or working for the Viet Cong. Clearly everyone wanted to manipulate the youth. Nevertheless, the soldiers I talked with were proud of this project and rightly so. It's also my understanding that actor Richard Hughes played the leading role in creating the "Shoe Shine Boys Project":

 

In 1968, as a conscientious objector, he (Richard Hughes) refused the Vietnam draft, only to borrow $1,500 and travel on his own to Saigon, where he helped found the Dispatch News Service -- later it distributed Seymour Hersh's exclusive on the My Lai massacre -- and opened a shelter for street children called the Shoeshine Boys Project.(NY Times)


Saigon was a massive bustling city. Small cars and bicycles were everywhere. Once, while in a taxi and seeking a shop to buy a Vietnamese guitar, the driver and I managed to get into a traffic jam at a huge intersection. Even today I can't quite understand how we managed get out of it! We did find the small shop and I purchased the guitar. It was off the beaten track. It reminded me of small commercial areas in Atlanta, Georgia suburbs with a street lined with small businesses along with cars, and in the Vietnam scenario, with cars but also countless bicycles rushing past. There were no soldiers or sandbags in sight. Just small business owners and their customers.


I visited three orphanages in Saigon. The children in the first two were relatively well cared for and the institutions were clean, even in spite of what were probably relatively limited resources. They were administered by Vietnamese and not religious based. Then I visited the third orphanage administered by a French Catholic priest. I was utterly appalled. The children were filthy and groveling and crawling on dirty floors. Some of them were strapped in chairs outside. One child, the mixture of a Vietnamese and Black American, was blind and screaming. My colleague told me this Catholic priest was notorious throughout Saigon. His attitude was that it didn't matter what happened here on earth because the rewards were to be found in heaven. This was, apparently, the priest's justification for the abysmal treatment of these children. Not that all Christian orphanages are likely to be problematic or abusive, of course, but I've wondered since how often Christians apply this rationale.

As a sequel to all this, in 1993, we in Atlanta were fortunate to host the Vietnamese Minister of Agriculture. The American Rice Institute had brought him to the United States. After visiting number of large corporate rice farms the Minister asked to visit a "real farm" in America. In response, the American Rice Institute called the Federation of Southern Cooperatives/Land Assistance Fund so that the Minister could visit a small farm. I joined the delegation and we took him to visit Willie Adams, a Black farmer in east Georgia who raised chickens. The minister was clearly thrilled to finally spend some time with a "real farmer."

 

While on the road, the Vietnam Minister asked about the fate of US Vietnam War veterans. I told him many struggled economically and psychologically, many were homeless, some were on death row, many were haunted by the experience, many joined organizations to resist war, many were seemingly not effected, on and on. In very much an Asian "sense of place" and one in which the ancestors are honored, he told me "we know many young Americans died on our soil and their souls are with us now. We will always pray for them.

I had visited Saigon in January of 1973. By March 1973, due to the Paris Peace Agreement, the US military began to withdraw from Vietnam. The total number of Vietnamese soldiers and civilians killed varies from 900,000 to 4 million. The total number of Americans killed is approximately 58,000. This does not include thousands of injuries, destabilization and death in the surrounding countries such as Cambodia, plus environmental degradation in Vietnam. What insanity is this?





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