Sunday, November 8, 2020

You can make a difference. Start Locally. Get involved. Commissioner Adofo Prevents Liquor Store from coming to Ward 8. Washington, D.C.

COMMUNITY IMPERATIVE

It takes the whole community, all members of the community to be involved. 

As part of our nonprofit corporate social responsibility with our association HQ in Ward 8 we have a voice in community engagement.  Our focus were in the area of decreasing the food desert within the community by promoting urban farming, supermarkets, and food dispensing facilities not alcohol consumption.

To all BEMA International members get involved locally in areas that you are comfortable in issues of your community before moving to more complex issues. Get involved.

BEMA International

 

Commissioner Adofo Prevents Liquor Store from coming to Ward 8 | On November 2, 2020 the DC Alcoholic Beverage Regulation Administration hel‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ ‌ 

 

 

Saturday, November 7, 2020

Water Security: GSP Online Art Auction.


 

Recommendation: Keeper of the Flame

Nice film to view over the weekend.  

Portions of fiction become reality.

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keeper_of_the_Flame_(film)#mw-head

Keeper of the Flame (film)



Keeper of the Flame is a 1943 Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM) drama film directed by George Cukor, and starring Spencer Tracy and Katharine Hepburn.

The screenplay by Donald Ogden Stewart is adapted from the 1942 novel Keeper of the Flame by I. A. R. Wylie. Hepburn plays the widow of a famous civic leader who has suddenly died in an accident, while Tracy portrays a former war correspondent who intends to write a flattering biography of the dead man, only to find that his death is shrouded in mystery. 

 

 

Thursday, November 5, 2020

Volunteers Needed. Education & Training for Community Emergency Response Unit. Los Angeles, California with African Coalition.










BEMA International members that volunteer our policy:

Standard In-Kind Rate for volunteer services:  $150.00/hr, or as designated by private sector member wage\salary rate.

In kind contributions must be documented and verifiable 

Tuesday, November 3, 2020

Emergency Management Research and Racial Equity. November 5, 2020 at 5:30pm E


 



 

 


 

What Can We Learn?

 

Dr. S. Atyia Martin, CEM often describes Emergency Management as “bringing order to the chaos”. What then, can we learn from Emergency Management research on resilience and disaster risk reduction, that can be applied to the chaos that racism brings to society? Tune in to find out!

 

On November 5th, 2020 at 5:30PM EST, Dr. Martin and special guest, Aaron Clark-Ginsberg—Associate Social Scientist for the RAND Corporation—delve into this very question. While the connection between Emergency Management research and racism might not be obvious on the surface, what is at the heart of both, is people.

 

Join Dr. Martin and Aaron Clark-Ginsberg to ask your questions about how we can put theory into practice so that when the rubber hits the road, we can be prepared to navigate disasters personal, social, and global scales. Tune in Thursday, November 5th, 2020 at 5:30PM EST!

 

 

 

 

 

A ‘Warrior Tradition’

 

https://www.militarytimes.com/off-duty/military-culture/2019/11/15/a-warrior-tradition-why-native-americans-continue-fighting-for-the-same-government-that-tried-to-wipe-them-out/

 A ‘Warrior Tradition’: Why Native Americans continue fighting for the same government that tried to wipe them out

J.D. Simkins       November 15, 2019

Native Americans serve in the military at a higher percentage than any other ethnicity. (David Goldman/AP) 

Often lost in conversations surrounding military history — and most discussions on sociology — are the contributions of Native Americans.To this day, American Indians serve in the armed forces at a higher rate than any other demographic. Since 9/11, nearly 19 percent of Native Americans have served in the armed forces, compared to an average of 14 percent of all other ethnicities.

Among the 573 federally recognized tribes — each with their own cultures, traditions, belief systems, and stances on war — military service remains remarkably consistent. No matter the conflict, American Indian men and women continue to risk their lives for the very government that once tried to eradicate their way of life.

Peter MacDonald is one such veteran. The Navajo who served in the Marines during World War II is one of the last surviving members of the distinguished Code Talkers. Jeff Means is another. A member of the Ogala Sioux Tribe and Marine Corps veteran, Means currently teaches history at the University of Wyoming. And as a member of the Odawa Nation, D.J. Vanas uses his position as an author and motivational speaker to share his experiences as an Air Force captain.

To these three, the definition of “warrior” — just like their reasons for serving — is as diverse as their tribal backgrounds.

Military Times spoke with MacDonald, Means, and Vanas about their military service, the evolution of Native American warrior culture, and treatment of Native Americans by the U.S. government during and post-military service.

Each veteran is included in the recently released PBS documentary, “The Warrior Tradition,”directed by Larry Hott. Hott also joined the discussion.

With 573 tribes, the motivations for Native Americans to join the military are incredibly diverse. What compelled you to join?

[MEANS] My reasons were financial. I had been kicking around since high school doing really a whole lot of nothing. I went to a little strip mall where all four branches had recruiting offices. The Air Force wouldn’t take me, then the Army turned me down. I got in my truck and left, but came back when I realized I hadn’t checked out the Marine Corps. I stuck my head into the office and there was this gunnery sergeant. He was like 6-foot-6 and 240 pounds of muscle. I said, “Hey, I already tried with the Air Force and Army. Should I even bother coming in?” This gunny walks over, takes me around the shoulders and says, “Son, let’s see what the Marine Corps can do for you.” [Laughs]

[VANAS] Family heritage was one of the things I was imbued with growing up through stories and firsthand experiences of relatives, including my dad, who served 21 years in the Air Force. We had relatives who served dating back to World War I. It not only seemed like a comfortable path to follow, because there’s so much familiarity, but it’s almost an expectation just because it was a common family theme.

Reservations were certainly a catalyst for stripping tribes of warrior culture. What changed in the 20th century?

[MEANS] The warrior culture was disappearing simply because by the late 1800s, there was literally no one left to fight. The whole warrior culture of protecting and providing became irrelevant up through World War I. That was a transitional time for Native Americans, because an entire generation of people who remembered having autonomy and freedom were dying off.Instead, you now had individuals who had only ever known reservation life. Then here comes World War I and a tremendous opportunity for Native Americans to provide for themselves again and revitalize that warrior tradition.

Navajo Code Talkers Peter MacDonald, left, and the late-Roy Hawthorne in 2010. (Air Force)[VANAS] Many took advantage of World War I and subsequent wars because it was something we’ve always looked at as a way of protecting our home. People ask, “Why serve in the military when this government has done so much to our people to hurt our culture?” But we’ve always looked at the bigger picture. This is our home, it always has been and always will be, and we sign up to defend that.

How has the definition of “warrior” evolved since then among native communities?

[MEANS] A warrior was always somebody who fought for their native nation. For the most part, that was militaristically. But now that has expanded to fighting for your native nation in any context: legally, socially, culturally, politically.Women are taking a tremendously active position in today’s battles because it’s no longer just about military prowess. It’s about intellectual prowess. It’s about cultural prowess. It’s wonderful to see so many native people from all walks of life fighting for their rights and sovereignty.

[HOTT] There are people who said to me that getting a college education is being a warrior. But, an obvious one is the number of native women in the military. It’s not easy for them because there are still traditionalists out there who think women should not be fighting.

That’s a big reason we included the story of Lori Piestewa, the first Native American woman to be killed in combat as a member of the U.S. military. What does that say about the warrior tradition that she felt strongly enough to die for it?

Do you think the military has exploited that willingness of Native Americans to fight?

[MACDONALD] Yes and no. There was exploitation, but our desire to maintain what belongs to us and protect our families is part of our desire to volunteer and protect our land.

[MEANS] Absolutely, whether consciously or unconsciously. Native Americans have this weird place in American culture where they’re part of America’s past in becoming the great nation. But at the same time, they’re still here. That’s why Native Americans have been relegated and confined within these boxes. When you think of an American Indian you think of Dances with Wolves. You don’t think of somebody wearing a suit or a tie.It's cultural exploitation, but at the same time, because Native Americans have been forced into this horrible economic and cultural position on reservations, the U.S. and the military exploit that by providing the military as an option out of poverty and hopelessness.

[VANAS] It takes two to tango. Enlisted recruiters always have to hit quotas. But, we are kind of groomed from a young age to see this as an accessible option for us to fulfill that warrior path in a positive way. So, I don’t know that I would call it exploitation as much as I would call it finding willing partner

[HOTT] I don’t think it’s horrible, but it does happen. The military knows the pickings might be easier. You have families with tradition, and young people might say, well, maybe I don’t want to go in, but everybody in my family did it and there’s a lot of pride in that. There’s a reason there are recruitment centers near reservations.

The U.S. has a history of celebrating native achievements only when it benefits the country — for example, punishing the Navajo for speaking their native language only to capitalize on it when it could be of use. Is there a sense a feeling used or abandoned among native veterans once they leave the military?

[MEANS] Yes, but the sad caveat is that that’s actually cultural wide and not just relegated to military service. The U.S. government has forgotten Native Americans as a whole. It’s part of the entire cultural push where natives are great as long as they’re only seen in a certain context. This is why the Dakota Access Pipeline resistance is interesting, because they broke out of that confine.

Native Americans are supposed to be people of the past. They’re supposed to be exotic, but mostly, what they’re supposed to be is quiet. When they raise their voice and make noise, the United States gets very uncomfortable. Abandoning Native Americans has been the M.O. of the U.S. since reservations were created as temporary reserves.

[MACDONALD] Yes. We — as matter of fact, every — American were needed to protect and preserve our freedom and liberty. We are first and foremost Americans and we love this country.

However, once our service was no longer needed, we were, in most cases, forgotten and left to fight to keep what is rightfully ours — our natural resources, water, and land were being exploited by energy companies and by our own federal government.

We have yet to achieve self-sufficiency and self-determination. More importantly, our treaty promises by “the great father” have yet to be fulfilled.

What was the perception of Native Americans in the military when you were in? How do you think the perception by non-natives has evolved?

[MACDONALD] During WWII, Marines and sailors treated us, in most cases, with respect as fellow warriors. We were all in it together. We survive if we stick together. 

After all, bullets don’t discriminate.

Today, much has changed in the military in terms of respect and understanding of Native American culture and traditions. This is all for the good of America, for we are a diverse nation.

[VANAS] You’re always looked at as something that is of interest. My experience was good, although there were some tense moments.

For example, Sun Dance is a ceremony that was done by the Plains Indians. My medicine man was Lakota from South Dakota. He was my mentor, my spiritual leader, and I became a Sun Dancer. In the ceremony we pierce our chest — they put skewers in our chests on either side — and are tied to a tree, which is called the Tree of Life, or our antenna to the creator. We go up to the tree and back four times, and on the fourth time we dance backwards until we rip free. Sometimes it takes two minutes, sometimes it takes two hours. I’ve seen it take two full days.

Army veteran Nick Biernacki prays at the Cannonball River in North Dakota. (David Goldman/AP)It’s about sacrifice and thanksgiving, but it leaves scars, obviously. When I was in the Air Force we had a volleyball game and one side were the shirts and one the skins. I was on the skin side and had finished Sun Dance a couple weeks before so I still had scars. A couple of colonels were talking amongst themselves in a way I could definitely feel the negative vibe and the judgment. I got so uncomfortable that I ended up leaving. I put my shirt back on and left the game. Moments like that when there’s a lack of understanding makes things tense.

The documentary discusses how Native American communities emphasize ceremonial cleansing after a service member returns home. What can greater U.S. society learn from how tribes reintegrate soldiers?

[MEANS] It’s tricky because the U.S. and native nations have such completely different worldviews. But, to a large degree, native nations look at the health of the community at large. Every person needs to be as productive as they can be, and needs to be spiritually and physically healthy to achieve that.

When someone has gone into combat, they need to be spiritually and emotionally cleansed of that trauma or guilt. So those kinds of ceremonies are really important to tell that person, “Everything you’ve done was for us. We appreciate it, and you’re still part of us.” 

The U.S., to an extent, ignores that militaristic part of society because it’s not what we would consider a larger part of American culture. It has been separated to a tremendous degree. Most people have no idea what military service is like, what combat is like. So therefore, they have no empathy.

[VANAS] The reintegration process is one thing our native communities have always done a really good job of. It’s a common theme across Indian country of, “Now that this is done, here’s how you start your next chapter of your life within this community.”

It is healing and lets that person know they’re not on their own. There were things that were put in place to bring people back in a much smoother way. In the greater scheme, we have people leave the military, and it’s, “Good luck. Thanks for your service. You’ll figure it out.”

We do a great job of equipping our soldiers, but we need to greatly improve how we support those soldiers once they are out.



National Latino Farmers & Ranchers Trade Association 
1029 Vermont Avenue, NW, Suite 601
Washington, DC 20005
Office: (202) 628-8833
Fax No.: (202) 393-1816
Email: latinofarmers@live.com 
Twitter: @NLFRTA
Website: www.NLFRTA.org 
 


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“Our lives are not our own.  We are bound to others, past and present, and by each crime and every kindness we birth our future.”    David Mitchell.  Cloud Atlas

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A 501 (c) 3 organization.

 
 


Friday, October 30, 2020

Nation’s Leading Latino Civil Rights Organization Calls for Action Instead of a One Day Observance

 View as web page

LULAC

 

LULAC

LULAC Says This Should Be The Last Latina Equal Pay Day In The USA

Nation’s Leading Latino Civil Rights Organization Calls for Action Instead of a One Day Observance

Washington, DC - The League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), today issued the following statement about Latina Equal Pay Day.

When does 22 equal 12?” asks Sindy Benavides, LULAC National Chief Executive Officer. “When you are a Latina working in this country and you add up the number of months it takes you to earn what a white man makes for the very same job! October 29 is about the day of the year in 2020 when we finally catch up to what a male Caucasian was paid in 2019 for doing the same work. Latinas work hard for their money and their time and sacrifice shouldn’t be worth any less. Plus, they’re trying to put food on their table too for their children and family so to deny them equal pay is unconscionable.

It is ridiculous that after two decades into this new century, LULAC and every other major Latino organization is still having to remind lawmakers and employers that Latinas make a little more than half on average for every dollar white men are paid for the same type of occupation. Add that up over a woman’s 40-year lifetime of work and we’re talking a loss of more than a million dollars. Even worse, this inequality is happening across all types of job categories and at every level of education so no one can truthfully say this is a fluke,” said Benavides.

Elsie Valdes-Ramos, National Vice-President for Women, is the highest elected female advocate for women in LULAC and adds, “We are working with an intentional focus and purpose to empower women into seeking elected office, starting a business, pursuing a higher level of education and using all their talents and abilities to fight for pay equity based on their rightful merit rather than accepting less simply because of their gender. May 2020 be the last year we stop to remind the country of the contributions Latinas make to our nation and by 2021, we should be celebrating the first year of fulfilling for all, the true meaning of realizing the American dream.”


# # #

About LULAC
The League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) is the nation’s largest and oldest civil rights volunteer-based organization that empowers Hispanic Americans and builds strong Latino communities. Headquartered in Washington, DC, with 1,000 councils around the United States and Puerto Rico, LULAC’s programs, services and advocacy address the most important issues for Latinos, meeting critical needs of today and the future. For more information, visit www.LULAC.org.

 

Thursday, October 29, 2020

An experience uncommon for most Americans, except other Black men, 'A Knee on His Neck'. Washington Post. October 2020

 https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2020/national/george-floyd-america/policing/

Minneapolis Police Chief Medaria Arradondo, right, kneels as the hearse carrying George Floyd's body arrives at North Central University for a June 4 funeral. (Salwan Georges/The Washington Post)
Oct. 26, 2020
HOUSTON — From the day George Floyd moved to Texas as a child to the day he was killed in Minneapolis, the police were omnipresent in his life.
They were there when Floyd and his siblings played basketball at the Cuney Homes housing project

, driving their patrol cars through the makeshift courts. They were there when he walked home from school, interrogating him about the contents of his backpack. They were there when he went on late-night snack runs to the store, stopping his car and throwing him to the ground. They were there, surrounding his mother’s home, as his family prepared for their grandfather’s funeral.
They were at the bus stop, on the corner, and on his mother’s front porch. And they were in Minneapolis — 1,200 miles from where Floyd first said “Yes, officer,” to a patrolman — when he took his last breath in handcuffs.
The frequency of Floyd’s contact with police during his 46 years of life is an anomaly for most Americans, except for other Black men. While the majority of public interactions with police begin and end safely in the United States, according to 2015 survey data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics, for Black Americans, those encounters are more likely to happen multiple times in a year, more likely to be initiated by police and more likely to involve the use of force.
The constant presence of police meant minor violations such as trespassing led to jail time. Drug addiction and mental health problems that Floyd suspected he suffered from resulted not in treatment or diversion programs, but in felony convictions and a lifetime of indigence.
Over time, Floyd’s convictions escalated to theft and ultimately armed robbery of a woman who was pistol-whipped by a group of men while at home with her children. Even when asserting innocence, though, Floyd and his neighbors learned to take plea deals to avoid a court system that they concluded would not give them a fair shot.
Floyd was stopped by police or charged at least 19 times in his adult life, according to records, friends, and family. In a handful of encounters, he was let go. Other times, the charges were serious and shaped the trajectory of his life.
Meanwhile, officers in the police department that funneled Floyd into the system had been given probation for homicide and civil rights violations. The Houston Police Department remained mired in accusations of corruption and racism into the 1990sas it leaned on policing tactics that are now considered unreliable and prejudicial.
One officer, who claimed to have witnessed Floyd selling crack in 2004, is now being investigated for using false evidence in another case. Two former Houston police chiefs said they struggled to reform the department against an entrenched culture of bias and excessive force, but left feeling only moderately successful.

Floyd’s persistent cycle through Harris County’s criminal justice system during the War on Drugs was remarkably routine for Black people like him.

“Nobody is going to look out for you,” Floyd’s siblings recall their mother, Larcenia Floyd Jones, saying as she admonished them about how to survive an interaction with police.

The rules were: Speak the King’s English. Try to comply. Don’t give White folks an opportunity to think you did something wrong.

And perhaps most critically: Respect the police.

Sports kept Floyd out of trouble during his youth, friends and relatives said. But as he aged into adulthood, that changed. His friend Travis Cains struggles to distinguish their many encounters with police during their time in Cuney Homes. But he does recall the pebbles of broken street gravel that stung his cheek when police pushed him and Floyd to the ground. He remembers the “jump-out boys,” a plainclothes Houston Police unit of the gang squad known for flying out of cars after a drug transaction and pouncing on anyone they could arrest. He recalls officers finding drugs where there had been none.

Injustice has been happening to us all our life,” Cains said.

Show-ups and throw-downs

The year Floyd’s family moved to Houston in 1977, city police officers faced murder charges in the slaying of a Mexican American war veteran who was arrested on suspicion of disorderly conduct at a bar, then tortured and pushed into a bayou to drown. A judge sentenced the offending officers to probation and issued a $1 fine for negligent homicide in the killing of Joe Campos Torres. Protesters chanted, “A Chicano’s life is only worth a dollar!”

Tensions exploded on the first anniversary of Campos Torres’s arrest at Moody Park, when officers arrived to break up a fight during a Cinco de Mayo celebration. The crowd retaliated, invoking Campos Torres’s name. People ransacked stores, torched police cars and threw rocks at officers in bloody bedlam.

Months later, police fatally shot a White teenager who allegedly stole a van and were convicted of planting a gun to justify the killing as self-defense. The officers were sentenced to probation, infuriating the teen’s family and reigniting calls for reform. The “throw-down,” or the practice of planting a gun or drugs at a scene, came into popular parlance when talking about Houston Police misconduct.
By 1982, when future police chief C.O. Bradford was a young officer, the department’s reputation had been corroded by allegations of corruption and racism. During one of Bradford’s training classes that year, a White officer burst through the lecture room doors to announce that the mayor had brought in an “n-word” police chief from Atlanta. Chief Lee P. Brown was appointed as the first Black man to lead the Houston Police — a development that so divided the Black and White officers in Bradford’s class that the instructor ended class early.
Brown came in to shift the policing paradigm through a neighborhood-oriented model that put officers in precincts inside communities, including Third Ward. Floyd’s neighborhood was an easy target for “bean-counting officers,” said Bradford. Federal grants provided perverse incentives for locking up people, doling out overtime money based on the number of arrests, tickets and calls.
“You had a lot of crack in Houston and officers that needed hours or numbers,” said Bradfordwho is Black. “They would swoop through the neighborhood and make these low-hanging fruit arrests to keep numbers up. They picked up the same person over and over again.”
Charles McClelland Jr., who patrolled Third Ward as a rookie officer and later became police chief, said the attitude among the rank-and-file was “we’re going to do whatever is necessary to stamp out crime, suppress crime in pretty much any way that we saw fit as a police department. And sometimes that means using force. And sometimes that meant using extreme force.”
“There was no police-community relations,” he said.
Being an officer in Texas was like “a Black man joining the Klan” in the eyes of many, McClelland said. It made little sense to the Black residents of areas such as Cuney Homes to see a Black face in uniform when they viewed police as the state’s instrument of oppression. He remembered feeling the same way growing up in East Texas, where police enforced Jim Crow laws and kept people from voting.
On Third Ward’s streets, McClelland noticed a common reflex among his colleagues.

“They overreacted, sometimes, out of fear,” he said. “They didn’t understand Black people or minorities; they didn’t understand their culture; they didn’t grow up around Black people or minorities and they always felt a greater threat when we would engage minorities. They always had a sense that they would get hurt or killed, and I rarely felt that.”

Parts of Third Ward were simultaneously over-policed and under-policed, said Scott Henson, a Texas criminal justice reform researcher. While officers were incentivized to aggressively police low-level crimes, “if someone was shot or threatened, Black folks were not finding police at their beck and call,” said Henson, who also worked on police accountability for the ACLU of Texas and was a policy director for the Innocence Project of Texas.

Brown, tried to stop the racially disparate treatment of Houston residents, or at least curtail it, former officers said. He recruited and promoted Black and Hispanic officers, developed youth programs and brought citizens — including local ministers — into the public safety strategy.

But little had changed by the time Bradford, an acolyte of Brown’s, became chief in 1996. He took a similar approach, wanting his officers to be problem-solvers who help prevent crime and not just enforce the law. He fired criminal officers, opened a victim services unit and encouraged de-escalation training.

Bradford said he had marginal success fighting an intractable police culture and accusations that he was “soft on crime.” Later, scandals at the city crime lab, internal department strife and botched police operations marred the end of his tenure.
[Who was George Floyd? Post Reports explores the experiences of the man who sparked a movement.]
A year into Bradford’s tenure as the head of Houston Police, Floyd was charged with his first drug offense.
The 23-year-old was back where he had started after a promising collegiate athletic career disintegrated, and he came home from college with nothing to show for it. He was charged with selling less than a gram of cocaine, a state jail felony. After a 10-month sentence at Lychner State Jail, Floyd returned to Cuney Homes with a couple hundred dollars in court debt and few ways to pay.
“Now he’s walking the street, he can’t get an education, he can’t get a job, he can’t get a place to live. So what is he going to do?” said longtime activist James Douglas, who leads the Houston NAACP and is a Texas Southern University law professor.

Cains, Floyd’s longtime friend, said he and Floyd were harassed regularly by police who knew they had records. One night, officers detained them during a trip to the corner store on suspicion of driving a stolen car, and threw the pint of ice cream they had bought to the ground. The officers’ suspicion was unfounded, Cains said.

Floyd was incarcerated in state jail months later, accused of holding a gun to a man’s head and demanding his keys and wallet, according to Harris County records. His court-appointed attorney fought the charges, alleging Floyd had been unlawfully arrested and identified in a “one-man show-up” in which police presented Floyd alone to the victim for identification on the spot. Show-ups are a standard tactic in police work, but studies show they can be highly suggestive.
Prosecutors ultimately reduced the charges to theft, leaving out the firearm charges. Floyd took the deal, but it would not be the last time he would serve time based on questionable eyewitness identification.
Police were operating on a belief that the more arrests they made, the safer the community would be, McClelland recalled. They believed that locking up young offenders for a long time and releasing them as older adults would push them to age out of crime.
“But we didn’t understand — and I don’t know if people in Houston Police management, at that time, understood — the long term consequences of that type of philosophy,” he said.
As a result, a generation of young Black Americans could never fully return to society......
........visit Washington Post URL at top of page to read more.....


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